On the very day Donald Trump was presented with a tailor-made "peace prize" from his recent friend, FIFA president "Johnny" Infantino, his government published an equally flamboyant national security strategy. This fairly brief paper is saturated with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the characteristically humble assertion that the president has rescued "the United States and the globe – back from the brink of catastrophe and ruin."
Even though the document mostly formalizes the current policies and statements of Trump and his cabinet, it must be heeded as a grave caution for the international community, and for Europe in particular.
The document advocates for an aggressive form of foreign-policy interference where the US explicitly sets the goal of "promoting European greatness." Its language could have been lifted directly from addresses by the Hungarian Prime Minister during the so-called migration emergency of 2015-16: "We want Europe to remain European, to reclaim its cultural self-confidence." More ominously, the document states that Europe's "economic decline is overshadowed by the real and starker possibility of cultural extinction."
The entire section dedicated to Europe is steeped in decades of European far-right ideology and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "transforming the continent and causing conflict, censorship of free speech and stifling of dissent, cratering birthrates, and loss of sovereign identity and self-confidence." According to the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether some European countries will have economies and militaries strong enough to be dependable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration believes that "in a matter of years at the latest, certain NATO members will become predominantly non-European."
"American diplomacy should continue to champion authentic democracy, free speech, and unapologetic commemorations of European nations’ unique heritage and history."
These arguments carry strong overtones of two theories seen as foundational for modern far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "The Decline of the West," whose argument on the cyclical decline of civilizations was used by the German far right to criticise the "decadence" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," released in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more explicit conspiracy theory, alleging European elites of using immigration to replace restive "indigenous" populations and import a more submissive and reliant electorate.
It is the nativist fever dream encapsulated in both ideas that gives the Trump administration the right, if not the duty, to interfere in European affairs, the document suggests. And it is clear where it identifies its allies: "America encourages its ideological partners in Europe to advance this resurgence of national spirit, and the growing clout of patriotic European parties indeed gives cause for significant hope."
Put simply, the US believes that it is essential to its national security to "Restore European strength," and that the European far right is the sole political force that can achieve this. Consequently, its "overarching strategy for Europe" focuses on "cultivating opposition to Europe’s present path within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "strengthening the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "aligned countries that want to restore their past glory" – such as Hungary and Italy.
While the document stays vague on methods, it is apparent that a priority is to push Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – particularly regarding right-wing speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document phrases it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not treat Russia as an enemy either.
In a broader sense, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to interfere in the "Americas," which he declared to be the US’s zone of influence. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "assert and enforce a Trump corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which involves the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.
This is necessarily new – recall JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an ideological attack on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is published in an formal document, European leaders will at last realize that the situation is grave. And if the document is too long or vague for them, it can be condensed in clear and concise terms: the current US government holds that its national security is best served by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not just an reluctant ally; it is a deliberate adversary. Now is time to act accordingly.
Maya Chen is an urban planner and writer with over a decade of experience in sustainable city development and community engagement.